![]() This article sets out to address this shortcoming by zooming in on three key case studies of PSB-Friends groups. 398), Footnote 2 this imbalance between conceptual work and more detailed case studies carries particular weight. 266 Rashid and Simpson, 2019), whether directly or indirectly (Burstein and Linton, 2002, p. Given that there is a virtually universal scholarly perception that these groups have a substantial impact on public policy (Hilton et al., 2013, p. What is missing from the body of research mentioned above, however, are in-depth case studies, which allow an understanding of the role of SMOs in the contested politics around PSB. In a similar vein, although not always directly linked to PSBs, other studies have categorized and classified SMOs (Mueller et al., 2004 Napoli, 2009), providing a broad overview of the field. The authors distinguished between established instruments of media accountability (e.g., press councils, ombudsmen) and innovative instruments of media accountability such as SMOs (Jempson and Powell, 2011, p. ![]() ( 2011, 2017) assessed media accountability in 33 countries. Analyzing data from 29 European countries, Baldi and Hasebrink ( 2007) investigated how media organizations and media regulatory authorities build accountability systems and allow for audience participation in media governance. Footnote 1 This relatively small amount of research about the intersections of PSB and civil society is largely conceptual and theoretical in nature (Cammaerts, 2009 Hamelink and Nordenstreng, 2007), and, if empirical, tends to neglect in-depth analysis of single cases. A search in the Scopus database for “public service broadcasting” in combination with the terms “government”, “regulation” and “market”, for instance, produced 74, 74, and 119 results, respectively, whereas the combination with “civil society” led to merely 16 results. The regulation of platforms and intermediaries is another highly topical PSB and media policy issue (Van Dijck et al., 2018 Nielsen and Ganter, 2018) and includes net neutrality (Ala-Fossi, 2016), algorithmic recommender systems (Hutchinson and Sørensen, 2018) and novel conceptualizations of media pluralism, such as exposure diversity (Burri, 2015 Helberger et al., 2018).Ĭompared with the above-mentioned research concerned with the interdependencies between PSB, public- and private sector, the third sector plays a niche existence in PSB scholarship. Independent regulatory agencies have been examined by various authors, who have scrutinized their democratic accountability and public interest orientation, taking into account national idiosyncrasies such as monitoring PSB standards and compliance with state aid, and distortion of competition rules (Lunt and Livingstone, 2012 Schulz et al., 2014). Key issues of inquiry include political interference into the independence of PSBs (e.g., Hanretty, 2011), which in many PSB regimes manifests itself in terms of the amount of (direct or licence-fee) funding granted (Berg and Lund, 2012 Campos-Freire et al., 2020 Herzog and Karppinen, 2014 Jensen et al., 2016). There is a large body of research that focuses on roles of governments and regulators when discussing media policy and PSB development. Among the actors who participate in multi-stakeholder governance are government departments and regulatory agencies (public sector), corporate groups, platforms and intermediaries, such as Alphabet Inc, Youtube or Netflix (private sector), and social movement organizations (SMOs) (the third sector) (Lund and Lowe, 2013, p. At the same time they have to deal and compete with an increasing number of actors beyond the broadcasting sector who are affected by and participate in processes of media policy-making. For instance, they have to fulfill their democratic remit and comply with public accountability demands (Hutchinson, 2017 Vanhaeght and Donders, 2016). ![]() In their ongoing transition to converged media environments, PSBs face unique challenges. This entails the Reithian notion to inform, educate, and entertain audiences while preserving their independence from both state control and market forces. ![]() Public service broadcasting (PSB) organizations hold a special, privileged position in the Western democracies where they have been set up and are designed following the role model of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC).
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